1820–1984 · Library of CongressBiblioteca del Congreso · Chronicling America

US/DR Newspaper Timeline

The Dominican Republic in the American Press: United States newspaper coverage of the island, gathered and translated for readers in both languagesLa República Dominicana en la prensa estadounidense: la cobertura de la isla en los periódicos de Estados Unidos, reunida y traducida para lectores en ambos idiomas
January 3, 18463 de enero de 1846 · New-York [N.Y.] · Independence, Recognition, and Samaná SchemesIndependencia, Reconocimiento y Proyectos de Samaná

From the Boston Journal.

SourceFuente: New-York daily tribune · New-York [N.Y.] · January 3, 18463 de enero de 1846
https://www.loc.gov/resource/sn83030213/1846-01-03/ed-1/?sp=1

In contextEn contexto

Independence, Recognition, and Samaná SchemesIndependencia, Reconocimiento y Proyectos de Samaná · 1844–1861

On February 27, 1844, Los Trinitarios proclaimed Dominican independence. American press coverage surged with reports on the new republic, repeated Haitian invasion threats, diplomatic recognition appeals, and southern schemes to secure Samaná Bay as a naval base.El 27 de febrero de 1844, Los Trinitarios proclamaron la independencia. La prensa estadounidense cubrió la nueva república, las invasiones haitianas, llamamientos de reconocimiento diplomático y proyectos para adquirir la Bahía de Samaná.

← Earlier articleArtículo anterior: MISSION TO ST. DOMINGO. · December 31, 184531 de diciembre de 1845Later articleArtículo siguiente: The Effect of the News from Hayti—Movements of Calhoun and Pakenham—The Position of the Former—What will be done? · January 3, 18463 de enero de 1846 →

More on Independence, 1844Más sobre La independencia de 1844

MR. SLICER—Since the return of Mr. Hogan from his secret mission to St. Domingo, a strong disposition has been manifested to learn the result of his researches.

The Washington correspondents of several northern papers, particularly of New-Hampshire, have drawn largely upon what they understand to be the Secret Report of Mr. Hogan. These communications have given an impression that a splendid arrangement has been made by Mr. Hogan, on our part, with the Eastern part of St. Domingo. One writer even asserts that an empire has been bought, and found in that region a population of 190,000, including 90,000 whites.

His astonishment is certainly natural, for the majority of the population of St. Domingo does not exceed 65,000, and the whites not more than 3,000 and 4,000.

In the second place, it is said that the territory of the Dominicans is very rich and fertile—a land of milk and honey—and that the sun has seldom shone upon such a garden of Eden as this; but the whole Dominican country contains less than 60,000 all told; at this time it probably does not exceed 50,000, including 5,000 or 6,000 whites.

As to the idea of annexing the whole Island, there is no ground for it; for since the sun of Haytien freedom has shone upon such a garden of Eden as this, the Dominicans have been able to raise less than 300 millions of pounds of coffee which we can call our own—a small portion of which they export; moreover, the Haytien President does not acknowledge the independence of the Dominicans, or to give them a title to their own territory; and that perhaps it may be well to turn over a few pages of the history of the country, that we may have a true view of the relations which exist between the parties.

It is not my intention to go into a history of the country; but as an effort will be made hereafter to carry out the views of the secret agent, there exists not a doubt:

First—The Dominicans, finding that they could not, of themselves, maintain their independence against France, sent a "shining blade for Boyer, but decline a union;" but sent a delegation to Boyer, at Port au Prince, and proposed to notice briefly some of the principal events of the Revolution, which caused all the calamities and miseries under which the country now suffers—a cruel and unoffending government being overthrown.

In the first place there is no ground for the common opinion that the Dominicans were forced to submit to the government of the French part—against their consent. The people of the country had suffered from the French, and when Boyer, to prevent further bloodshed and destruction of property, marched into the Spanish part, he was received with open arms. At that period the Spanish part of the island was under a weak government, and a revolution broke out between Spain and her revolted provinces in South America, which so shocked the Spanish inhabitants, while the seas which thronged the Caribbee seas were continuously plundered by pirates, and Spain could not protect this part; moreover, there were many persons in that division of the island who were in favor of a union with Hayti, and the Haytien President was invited, no one officer opposing such a step. Such was the state of things when Boyer entered the Spanish part of the Island. After maturely reflecting upon the difficulties by which they were surrounded, the people of the Spanish part sought protection in an union with the Haytiens; and the Haytiens, on their part, willingly gave its consent to the annexation of the Eastern part to the Haytien Republic, as much so as Massachusetts have to any of the States of this Union. Thus it appears that the Dominicans adopted the Haytien Government, not only voluntarily, but joyfully. Shortly after this, the French (with an overwhelming force in the harbor of Port au Prince) demanded an indemnity for the property sacrificed in the Revolution, The people of the country had “supped full of horrors,”* and Boyer, to prevent farther bloodshed and destruction of property, agreed to the payment of 150,000,000 of francs to France; and other European powers demanded an indemnity for the loss of property, and an equality of commerce and an acknowledgment from the Haytiens. The sum was so great that it was impossible to pay it, and nothing was effected.

Here was the grand cause of the revolt of the people of the Island. This was the signal, in the Spanish part, for an insurrection, and, without the least hesitation, they declared themselves independent of it. It does not appear that they took any steps towards a union with Howard, or from a conviction that his course was wrong; but they felt that they had been deceived, and as soon as they found themselves in a condition to do so, they declared themselves independent. In other words, Boyer's acts were wrong, and the consequences of Boyer's absurd attempt to raise an indemnity for the French, by taxing the whole country, was the real cause of discontent; and when he was deposed, the Haytiens and Pierrot, his successors and opponents in everything, have pursued a similar course, and brought about the same results.

About two years since, agents were despatched by the Dominicans to our Government, asking aid and protection. Their proposals were favorably received by Mr. Upshar, which, had he lived, would probably have led to a treaty that was some mark remarkable. After the death of Mr. Upshur, Mr. Calhoun sent Mr. Hogan to the Island to see if the Spanish part found a kindred spirit in Mr. Calhoun. Mr. Hogan, no doubt, executed his mission well; but the distinguished honor of sending a secret agent to a country which has declared its independence, but whose independence is not recognized, is a violation of the constitution of the country, and in opposition to nine-tenths of the Democratic party. A secret agent, our Government ought to encourage, in order to prove that blacks are not capable of governing, and that it is for their own country; indeed they are supposed to have any rights in the case. This course of our Government towards Santo Domingo is not only contrary to the spirit of our Constitution, which acknowledges their independence—but who believes that they have any right to send an agent in the movement? The commerce of our country has been very small with the Island; but hundreds of thousands of dollars might have been saved in our trade, by making a treaty with the Government of Hayti. It was asked during the administration of General Jackson that a commissioner should be sent to Hayti; but the goods imported into Hayti in American vessels were subject to a tonnage duty of 10 per cent. and an extra duty of ten per cent., matching an equal amount on English vessels. The interest of the country has been thus sacrificed to gratify the vulgar prejudice of southern statesmen, as "Aristocratic England" could acknowledge the independence of Hayti, and we, with our "Democratic" principles, trade, which naturally belongs to us—but "Democratic principles" forbid us to acknowledge it! Had the commerce of the country was made subservient to the public good, our commerce with Hayti would be as much to us as Massachusetts has to any of the States of this Union. Why, an untrammeled trade with one million of Haytiens, using a thousand articles of our manufacture, is worthy of the slightest consideration. But we are told that the Dominicans presented a petition to Mr. Hogan, and Christophe is often held up as an evidence of the fact. Christophe, we know, had no other title to his position than that of being the first, and he took it by force of arms; Napoleon, in about the same manner, brought his army into Paris, and held it to his distinct wish, to blood, and by the same means; and Boyer, when he marched through seas of slaughter to subjugate other nations, might have done the same; but to a popular man, for it is a grand and philanthropic truth that

The Haytiens universally hold in utter detestation the memory of Boyer and his acts.

The government of Christophe, as has been stated, was a despotism; but under Christophe the Haytiens were free from the influence of foreign powers, and he never suffered those who consider a colored Republic an anomaly, to interfere in the affairs of Hayti; and during the whole of his administration of twenty years, there was less taking of life for political offences, than there has been since the eruption among the officers, less plundering of the treasury, and far greater security for property, than there was seen in this country during the same period. Why should it be said that Hayti will not succeed under a free government? Look at the short period under Boyer—greater degree, it is true, than under Christophe—but look at his acts. Let it be remembered that the country has been divided into three parts—1804 declared, and in 1842 divided and besieged; yet under all these difficulties, trade and commerce flourished in the North. Three calamities have checked the decline of commerce in Hayti—which, perhaps, have checked the decline of commerce among the children of the soil and in the find the characteristics of the Haytiens—despotism, combined with an unmanageable earthquake, which destroyed Port au Prince, as well as (both publicly and private), in the principal towns. Still under all these calamities, trade and commerce flourish in the North. If under all these difficulties trade and commerce flourish, how much more would the Dominicans "ring" from their resources if they were under a similar government?

As regards the other, and more important attributes of a free government, Hayti is by no means deficient. The "blood-thirsty barbarians," it may safely be affirmed will compare favorably with those of the U. States; while as regards morality, peace and order, industry, intelligence, hospitality, freedom from vice, and, above all, religious toleration, the Haytiens are far superior to the Dominicans—touching who have been slender circumstances—have declared their independence, and have sought for protection and aid.

These circumstances have gladened more yearly brought to light.

"From Greenland's icy mountains

* * * * *

But it is a melancholy fact that Hayti has been overlooked. Is not the Dominican Republic small, weak, and insignificant to compare in comparative darkness? How can our Government have compromised its character by sending one of our Government towards these Islands, may be inferred by those who are familiar with American politics.

In this state of things, a manifest disposition on the part of the United States to aid the Dominicans cannot fail to produce a disastrous effect on Hayti. It will be considered by the world as anti-Republican, ungenerous and unjust. How far Hayti has cause for complaint, may be inferred by those who are familiar with American politics. As to the payment of the indemnity which was been granted by him, with the American expressions of good will. France will not allow us to tamper with her debt with impunity; and by an ill-timed, imprudent interference with another government, destroy her chance for the recovery of her debt. A difference with the French, however, is little to be shunned than the foul dishonor of a fraudulent trick upon the debt of another Government, less powerful than our own, for our own portion of its territory.

B. C. C.

*Although we cannot but feel that Slavery speaks to this editor through his article, as well as through most of the Boston press, we do not wish to discuss the subject here; but we cannot help remarking that the editor of the Journal, who takes his facts from his correspondent in St. Domingo or from some other tap-room, does not represent our Southern brethren any more than he does the true principles of Hayti or the Dominicans.

†Look at the condition of our one missionary in Hayti from the American Board of Foreign Missions! He is living in a hut, in a small, uncomfortable schooner, for Port au Prince, or in a hovel on shore; while the French missionaries are able to allude to demonstrations, in view of a "Surprise of Soldiers at High Mass," or a procession of Priests in full robes, at Port au Prince.

From the original pageDe la página original

The passage where this article was found on the page, copied from the newspaper itself, reading errors and all.El pasaje donde se encontró este artículo en la página, copiado del propio periódico, con sus errores de lectura y todo.

public, as much 20 us Massachitisetls hove Ls of this Union.

Thus it &n pears that the Dominicans adopted the Haytien

Government, not only voluntarily, but joyfully. Shortly

atter this, the French (with an overwheiming force in

the harbor of Port au Prince) demanded an indemnity

for the property sacrificed in the Revolution, The peo:

ple of the country had “supped (ull of horrors,” und

Boyer, w prevent farther bloodshed and destruction of

property, agreed to the payment of 150,000,000 of francs

the independence of Hayti was then acknowledged by

France sud other European powers. A vigorous attempt

was made to obtain a similar acl*nowledginent from the

United States, but the interest of slave-bolders prevailed

against it, and nothing was etiected. Pose]

About three years since, Herard was elected President

This was the signal, in the Spanish part,

of the [stind.

for separation from the legitimate Government, and

they declared themselves independent of it. It does not

appear that this movement was caused by the election of

Herard, or from conviction that nis course would be a

bed one—for whet his policy would be was not known.

It proved, however, disastrous enough, although some of

bis worst acts were consequent upon the rebellion, and

not the cause of it; still it has been urged by many that

Herard’s impolitic course was the great cause of discon-

tent. If it were so, it may be asked why Guerrier and

Pierrot, his successors and opposites in everything, have

been unable to induce the revolters to return to their al-

About two years since, agents were despatched by the

How to cite this articleCómo citar este artículo

New-York daily tribune. (1846). New-York [N.Y.], 1846-01-03. US/DR Newspaper Timeline. Library of Congress, Chronicling America: https://www.loc.gov/resource/sn83030213/1846-01-03/ed-1/?sp=1

ReferencesReferencias

Library of Congress, Chronicling America: New-York daily tribune, 1846-01-03.

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