FROM OUR PARIS CORRESPONDENT.

All the news from France seems to-day to confirm the story of the imperial programme announced in the Moniteur on the 1st of January. Indeed, the French have the few words uttered by the Emperor himself at the Tuileries on the 1st January, in reply to felicitations of the Diplomatic Corps, at the head of the few members of the diplomatic corps whom the official sheet represents as having been present to present themselves, had repaired to the palace to offer to the Emperor the compliments of the season. He said:

"I trust, with the Divine protection, to be enabled to maintain the prosperity of France, and assure the peace of Europe."

Then we have a little note in the official Moniteur, which was no sooner inserted in the official sheet than it formed part of NAPOLEON III. to the odious treaties of 1815, which it was the ambition of his life to undo, as ruinous and degrading to France. This curious note was elicited by the evident sensation produced in the political circles (if there can be said to be political circles now in France) by the appearance of a pamphlet entitled Limites de la France, the object of which was to indicate the tendency of the new Government to total conquest, or at least the absorption of all nations and fractions of nations west of the Alps and the Rhine. This publication was so identified in style and arguments with those which preceded and pamphlets which occur instantly to every one's mind as issuing from the highest source, as preceded the advent of the empire, that, of course, the bare announcement of the title caused all ears to prick up and all eyes to open wide. The author of Limites de la France published, it was asked, if it were not approved of? It would have been so easy to prevent it—to refuse the Government imprint. Sensation becoming so deep, the pamphlet in question was really intended to indicate the line of policy intended to sound public opinion upon the subject. The Government, soliciting this impression, and innocent of preparing, seeing that its silence was being interpreted in a manner dangerous, deemed it best—as Government is bound to do under such circumstances—instantly did, what it had formerly done in relation to the pamphlet which preceded the Empire, and which was used under its cover for the preparation of the empire; and what it did, not with regard to a compromising document upon Swiss affairs, published by a member of the Government, came out and repudiated all connection with the document, in the Moniteur of yesterday, the 5th of January, in the French, following and satisfactory terms:

"There have appeared recently several works, one among others under a title which seems calculated to excite—they seem to be intended to flatter tendencies which are supposed to exist in the French nation. The Moniteur repels all connection with the authors of these works, of which the spirit is as far removed from the intentions of the Emperor as from his loudly-declared policy."

After this, it is to be hoped that the most suspicious and incredulous as to the origin and intent of Limites de la France will submit his error, and abandon his apprehensions. To be sure, the Empire has come, as predicted by the pamphleteers of two and three years ago, and the said pamphleteers are now high in imperial favor. But that I don't pretend to be any thing more than a remarkable coincidence, which if I were a French writer it would be very indiscreet to remark upon. To be sure, the document on Swiss affairs, of which the existence was so positively denied, was afterwards published, in totidem verbis. That was certainly unlucky; but it does not authorize the suspicion, and still less the plain charge, that the disclaimer above quoted from the Moniteur is not irreproachably sincere and correct.

Extraordinary movement in the high functionary world has taken place in France upon the occasion of the new year. A decree of the 31st December nominated thirty-three new Senators. This body may now consist of 150 members, besides the ex-officio members, i. e. the French princes, the cardinals, marshals, and admirals of France. Six seats, original creation, by the decree of 1852, still remain, therefore, yet unfilled, in order to complete the Senate, forty-four nominations to make. These will doubtlessly be held back, only to be used to reward possible future exigencies. I must mention some of the names of the new Senators. The MARQUIS DE DAMPIN, the MARQUIS DE LAROCHEJAQUELIN, and the DUKE DE MOUCHY. These are three Legitimists, who have rallied to the Empire. In the Senate, M. DUPIN (ainé) has been replaced by Henry V. upon whom they wished to impose their own peculiar views as to the political course he should pursue. Legitimism has lost almost from history one of its most illustrious names, which he inherited, coming with all the luster that approved devotion to a principle, loyal fidelity to the King, and chivalric heroism could cast upon it, of which he never had any thing to bestow upon a cause, but which he has to-day honored by the connection with it in his person of the Senatorial dignity under an imperial Bonaparte. We have also M. DE HEECKEREN, late Baron DE ANTHES. This is the person who went to England to arrange Sir HUDSON LOWE after the death of Napoleon I, and who went to Russia, who was so grossly and publicly insulted the keeper of the Emperor. Beside these three, we have in the Senate three names of note: then M. FIALIN DE PERSIGNY, the devoted Minister of Louis Napoleon on 2d December, 1851; CLARY; SANTOUR DE LA TRESSONIER; MARSHAL VAILLANT; LUGUI; LUCIEN BONAPARTE, cousin of the Emperor Napoleon III, and son of Lucien Bonaparte; the DUKE DE BASSANO, and TASSCHER DE LA PAGERIE, cousin of the Empress.

The military enterprise of Count G. DE RAOUSSET-BOULBON in Northern Mexico, has, as might be expected, excite here a marked interest. The Paris papers give a large share in their columns to the latest news from the scene of operations. The Assemblée Nationale publishes the following letter from the French adventurer, written, it would seem, when just upon the eve of starting upon his expedition. If it has not yet appeared in print in the United States, it will be read with interest:

"I have for a year devoted my whole life, all my resources, all my exertions to the realization of a colossal enterprise, one of the boldest which has been witnessed for a long time. I have fully succeeded in my combinations, and I am now about to put my projects into execution. I start with two hundred men, adventurous, resolute, and full of faith. I shall find reinforcements in the country. I have foot soldiers, horsemen, and cannon, and I am about to put my project into execution..."

The Moniteur, among its foreign items, has merely stated the fact of the conquest of Count RAOUSSET-BOULBON—but the semi-official comments, in a tone, however, which would indicate a thorough consciousness of the danger of the ground they were treading on, and of the immenseness of collision with the United States, if this Government should give the slightest intimation of an intention to profit by the victory of the French band of adventurers in Northern Mexico, for the establishment of "a nascent colony" or by asserting the protectorate of an independent State upon the North American continent or on the borders of the United States. But I apprehend no such result. Whatever may be his personal instincts, by those of a victorious, NAPOLEON III. will seek other vent for his lust of enlarged dominion. He meditates other conquests; for the success of which he desires, IF NOT WINS THE AID, AT LEAST THE NEUTRALITY OF THE UNITED STATES. He is conscious, moreover, of many reasons not to provoke us by assuming a sovereignty or a protectorate in defiance with the policy loudly proclaimed by the United States for the last thirty years, and which no European State has dared to contest for the space of even one year. The Count, would-be imitator of Cortez, must therefore, in spite of himself, remain a buccaneer with the products of his enterprise, unless the Mexicans should succeed in repelling him, or unless we should nip his "nascent" glories in the bud by purchase from Santa Anna, and Santa Anna should not succeed to become a citizen of our Republic, or seek his ancient leader, Santa Anna, to the conquest of yet another province from Mexico. The Constitutionnel, I say, in putting allusions to the same subject, before summing up her article, as follows: "This column, which left California to seek its fortune in Mexico, is acting, be it well understood, on its own account, on its own risk and responsibility. It is a romantic episode, but one of an exclusively private character, to which, as between State and State, no importance attaches except as a matter of curiosity. It is strictly for the satisfaction of that word which we borrow from the Courrier des Etats Unis all the new details with which here column is filled..."

This Journal, I remember, has found phrases much less academic than "romantic episode," "column of adventurous spirit," "enterprising spirit," when it attempted to stigmatize the very similar, and certainly equally excuseable, invasions of American citizens into neighboring countries by citizens of our own "enterprising" population. Far be it from me to justify or even to palliate those invasions; but I dislike to see France engaging in these culpable adventures. The French journals have found no terms too severe by which to stigmatize them. I only insist that equal justice be rendered to all, and that an act be not qualified as enterprising, admirable, romantic, chivalrous, or heroic, when it happens to be French or American origin.

The occupation of Samana, in the Dominican Republic, by a portion of the French fleet in the West Indies, has been matter of lively interest here during the last week. What appeared in the official Journal, but—we well understand—La Patrie, a more or less semi-official sheet, thus explains the fact, which it seems has been sadly exaggerated and misinterpreted in the United States. It would certainly add something to the value of this explanation if it had appeared in the official journal; but we well understand how the official would seem not too anxious to show that this Government has avoided interference with the well-known American policy touching European acquisitions of territory or influence on our side of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. La Patrie would have hardly ventured the following explanation of the Samana affairs if it were not true:

"English and American papers speak of an occupation by the French forces of the peninsula Samana. This news is like all those of the same sort (a very profound invention of the same sort), destitute of all foundation. A mark that the French semi-official) which many foreign sheets, and among them those of the United States, have given to the corvette La Silphide, which had remained in the West Indies, had no other purpose than a change of air. It proceeded upon a cruise in the seas of the Dominican Republic to give a passage to the French Consul, who had previously requested to report upon the news given to him in that country."

The Journal des Débats, alluding to the same report, had previously rated as quite unworthy of credit the supposition that the French Government had seized upon, with intention to appropriate, the eastern portion of the Island or St. Domingo; but regarded as at any rate less improbable than the news that Louis III. had accepted the protectorate of the Dominican Republic. And it calls to mind, in this connection, the fact that ten years ago the Republic offered the protectorate to Louis Philippe, in order to secure it from hostile invasion by its neighbors of the West end. Before Louis Philippe had positively accepted or refused the protectorate, a revolution broke out in Paris and led to negotiations. They were afterwards renewed, and the proposition was finally rejected by France under the Republic. It was apprehended that NAPOLEON III, so solicitous to increase the influence, and especially the maritime force of France in the West Indies, had reviewed and reversed the decision of the statesmen of the Republic. But I feel sure that NAPOLEON III. will commit no such folly; that he has too lively a sense of the "reproach of humiliation and effacement," which he says rests upon France, to seek glory for her at St. Domingo, when opportunities near home, of more facile execution, of better promise; opportunities in which he would be better supported by the strong national instincts, by the fierce, inextinguishable antipathies of his subjects, than he would be were he to throw down his glove to the young giant of America. Selfish, doubtless, and unjust those instincts and evoke those antipathies, and it will require the supreme efforts of all Europe to stay the deluge which may be made to pour upon it from France. A war with the United States would not stir up in France and array for action those terrible elements which would constitute the force of NAPOLEON III, and make him almost invincible if he sagaciously chooses the moment and the occasion for foreign war. He will therefore accept no protectorate of the petty West Indian Republic, and ratify no conquests of roving French adventurers, more brigands than soldiers, that would inevitably bring him